Portugal’s
Example: What Happened After It Decriminalized All Drugs, From Weed to Heroin
By
Dr.Fourkan Ali
As diplomats gather at the United Nations in New York this
week to consider the future of global drug policy, one Portuguese official,
João Goulão, will likely command attention that far outstrips his country's
influence in practically any other area. That's because 16 years ago, Portugal
took a leap and decriminalized the possession of all drugs — everything from
marijuana to heroin. By most measures, the move has paid off.
Today, Portuguese authorities don't arrest anyone found
holding what's considered less than a 10-day supply of an illicit drug — a gram
of heroin, ecstasy, or amphetamine, two grams of cocaine, or 25 grams of
cannabis. Instead, drug offenders receive a citation and are ordered to appear
before so- called "dissuasion panels" made up of legal, social, and
psychological experts. Most cases are simply suspended. Individuals who
repeatedly come before the panels may be prescribed treatment, ranging from
motivational counseling to opiate substitution therapy.
"We had a lot of criticism at first," recalled
Goulão, a physician specializing in addiction treatment whose work led Portugal
to reform its drug laws in 2000, and who is today its national drug
coordinator. After decriminalizing, the first inquiries Portugal received from
the International Narcotics Control Board — the quasi-judicial UN oversight
body established by the UN drug convention system — were sharp and scolding.
"Now things have changed completely," he went on.
"We are pointed to as an example of best practices inside the spirit of
the conventions." Indeed, Werner Sipp, the new head of the board, said as
much at the UN's Commission on Narcotic Drugs in Vienna earlier this year.
'It was the combination of the law and these services that made
it a success. It's very difficult to find people in Portugal who disagree with
this model.'
Though often narrowly assessed in reference to its
decriminalization law, Portugal's experience over the last decade and a half
speaks as much to its free public health system, extensive treatment programs,
and the hard to quantify trickle down effects of the legislation. In a society
where drugs are less stigmatized, problem users are more likely to seek out
care. Police, even if they suspect someone of using drugs, are less likely to
bother them. Though at least 25 countries have introduced some form of
decriminalization, Portugal's holistic model and its use of dissuasion panels
sets it apart.
The rate of new HIV infections in Portugal has fallen
precipitously since 2001, the year its law took effect, declining from 1,016
cases to only 56 in 2012. Overdose deaths decreased from 80 the year that
decriminalization was enacted to only 16 in 2012. In the US, by comparison,
more than 14,000 people
died in 2014 from prescription opioid overdoses alone. Portugal's current
drug-induced death rate, three per million residents, is more than five times
lower than the European Union's average of 17.3, according to EU figures.
When Portugal decided to decriminalize in 2000, many
skeptics assumed that the number of users would skyrocket. That did not happen.
With some exceptions, including a marginal increase among adolescents, drug use
has fallen over the past 15 years and now ebbs and flows within overall trends
in Europe. Portuguese officials estimate that by the late 1990s roughly one
percent of Portugal's population, around 100,000 people, were heroin users.
Today, "we estimate that we have 50,000, most of them
under substitution treatment," said Goulão before adding that he's
recently seen a small uptick in use of the drug, predominantly among former
addicts that got clean. This reflects Portugal's tenuous economic condition, he
contends.
"People use drugs for one of two reasons — either to
potentiate pleasures or relieve unpleasure — and the types of drugs and the
type of people who use drugs carries a lot according to the conditions of life
in the country," he remarked.
Parallel harm reduction measures, such as needle exchanges
and opioid substitution therapy using drugs like methadone and buprenorphine,
he said, serve as a cushion to prevent the spread of communicable diseases and
a rise in overdoses even if the number of users injecting heroin happens to
increase for a period of time.
"I think harm reduction is not giving up on people,"
said Goulão. "I think it is respecting their timings and assuming that
even if someone is still using drugs, that person deserves the investment of
the state in order to have a better and longer life."
Such statements, once considered radical, are becoming more
appealing to drug officials in other countries. Decriminalization and harm
reduction lends greater attention to the human rights of users while allowing
law enforcement resources to be spent elsewhere. And though it's a major shift,
Portuguese decriminalization is not a revolution in terms of international law.
Drugs are still illegal in Portugal, drug dealers and
traffickers are still sent to jail, and the country has carefully kept itself
within the confines of the UN's drug convention system that inform national
drug laws. For decades the three treaties were seen as prescribing jail time
for users, but experts have long contended — and governments now increasingly
recognize — that they give countries wide latitude in how to treat and police
users.
When Portugal decriminalized, UN member states were just
years removed from a 1998 special session of the General Assembly that convened
under the fanciful pretext of eliminating drug use worldwide. On Tuesday,
member states adopted a new outcome document that is meant to reposition drug
policy. It stops short of what many advocates would have liked, excluding the
actual words "harm reduction" while failing to address the death
penalty for drug offenders, which member states noted repeatedly on Tuesday. The
document reflects both an evolution in drug policy in many parts of the world
over the last two decades, but is also a testament to the continued influence
of conservative countries that still favor interdiction.
Goulão himself is skeptical of some aspects of marijuana
reform in places like the United States, which he says can conflate medical use
with recreational markets. "Sometimes I feel the promoters of this
discussion are mixing things together using a lack of intellectual
seriousness," he said.
Though heroin use is often highlighted to show the efficacy
of Portugal's model, today most users that come before panels are in fact
caught with either hashish or cannabis, said Nuno Capaz, a sociologist who
serves on Lisbon's dissuasion panel. Between 80 to 85 percent of all people who
report to the panels are first-time offenders and deemed to be recreational
users, meaning their cases are suspended.
For those who have been repeatedly caught or are identified
as addicts, the panels can order sanctions or treatment. Recreational users may
face fines or be ordered to provide community service. If an addict refuses
treatment, they are required to check in regularly with their "family
doctor" — the medical professional in the person's locality that provides
checkups and other services to them under Portugal's free national healthcare
program. Such a close, pre-existing relationship between medical professionals
and Portuguese residents is another feature of the model, and one that could be
hard to replicate in a country like the US.
"If the person doesn't show up at the doctor, we ask
the police to personally hand them a notification so they know they are
supposed to be in a specific place," said Capaz. "The important part
is to maintain the connection to the treatment system."
The role of police coordinating with health officials to
ensure treatment demonstrates the altered relationship between them and drug
users over the past decade and a half, and one that contrasts dramatically with
how police orient themselves in countries like the US.
"This small change actually makes a huge change in
terms of police officers' work," said Capaz, referring to
decriminalization. "Of course every police officer knows where people hang
out to smoke joints. If they wanted to they would just go there and pick up the
same guy over and over. That doesn't happen."
Working in parallel to government efforts, non-profit groups
play a role in providing clean needles and even distributing crack pipes as a
way to entice drug users into the network of state service providers.
Ricardo Fuertes, project coordinator at GAT, an outreach
organization founded by people living with HIV, works at one of the group's
drop-in centers, nestled in a residential building in Lisbon. The location, he
says, is a sign of the decrease in stigma towards drug use.
"It's very obvious that it's a place for people who use
drugs. It's very open, but we don't have complaints," said Fuertes,
referring to the drop-in center. "The general population even comes to get
tests done. I think it shows this isn't a ghetto service."
But care and outreach providers and the people they help
have felt the pinch of Portugal's economic troubles. In 2011, the country was
bailed out by the European Union and the IMF, and later passed austerity
measures that imposed considerable cuts on public services.
Goulão said that drug treatment programs have been
relatively insulated, but funds for job programs that could help employers pay
the wages of drug users were decreased. Fuertes went a bit further, saying that
some providers have had to lower costs. He explained that government funding
may be allocated only for a year at a time, making long-term planning
difficult.
"It's not easy for many people, and of course people
who use drugs are not the exception," he said. "We see many of our
clients facing very difficult situations."
Portuguese health workers refer to Greece as a cautionary
tale. Wracked by a budgetary crisis and the austerity conditions of repeated
bailouts, Greece experienced an explosion of HIV transmission rates after
budget cuts left health programs drastically underfunded. According to EU
figures, only Greece and Latvia experienced larger cuts than Portugal to its
public health services between the period of 2005 to 2007 and 2009 to 2012.
And yet Portugal experienced no discernable rise in HIV
transmission — the cushion effect in action.
"Usually the focus is on the decriminalization itself,
but it worked because there were other services, and the coverage increased for
needle replacement, detox, therapeutic communities, and employment options for
people who use drugs," said Fuertes. "It was the combination of the
law and these services that made it a success. It's very difficult to find
people in Portugal who disagree with this model."
In the run-up to the UN General Assembly's special session,
Goulão cautioned that countries had to consider their own domestic environments
first in learning from Portugal's experience.
"We don't assume that this is the silver bullet, but in
my view it has been very important because it introduced coherence into the
whole system," he said. "If our responses are based in the idea that
we talking about addiction, that we are talking about chronic disease, talking
about a health issue — to have it out of the penal system is a clear
improvement. It was really important for our society because it allowed us to
drop the stigma."
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