Addiction as a Brain Disease
By Dr.fourkan Ali
Addiction at its Core
Greater progress will be made against drug abuse
when our strategies reflect the full complexities of the latest scientific
understanding.
The United States is stuck in its drug abuse metaphors
and in polarized arguments about them. Everyone has an opinion. One side
insists that we must control supply, the other that we must reduce demand.
People see addiction as either a disease or as a failure of will. None of this
bumper-sticker analysis moves us forward. The truth is that we will make
progress in dealing with drug issues only when our national discourse and our
strategies are as complex and comprehensive as the problem itself.
A core concept that has been evolving with
scientific advances over the past decade is that drug addiction is a brain
disease that develops over time as a result of the initially voluntary behavior
of using drugs. The consequence is virtually uncontrollable compulsive drug
craving, seeking, and use that interferes with, if not destroys, an
individual's functioning in the family and in society. This medical condition
demands formal treatment.
We now know in great detail the brain mechanisms
through which drugs acutely modify mood, memory, perception, and emotional
states. Using drugs repeatedly over time changes brain structure and function
in fundamental and long-lasting ways that can persist long after the individual
stops using them. Addiction comes about through an array of neuroadaptive
changes and the laying down and strengthening of new memory connections in
various circuits in the brain. We do not yet know all the relevant mechanisms,
but the evidence suggests that those long-lasting brain changes are responsible
for the distortions of cognitive and emotional functioning that characterize
addicts, particularly including the compulsion to use drugs that is the essence
of addiction. It is as if drugs have hijacked the brain's natural motivational
control circuits, resulting in drug use becoming the sole, or at least the top,
motivational priority for the individual. Thus, the majority of the biomedical
community now considers addiction, in its essence, to be a brain disease: a
condition caused by persistent changes in brain structure and function.
This brain-based view of addiction has generated
substantial controversy, particularly among people who seem able to think only
in polarized ways. Many people erroneously still believe that biological and
behavioral explanations are alternative or competing ways to understand
phenomena, when in fact they are complementary and integratable. Modern science
has taught that it is much too simplistic to set biology in opposition to
behavior or to pit willpower against brain chemistry. Addiction involves
inseparable biological and behavioral components. It is the quintessential
biobehavioral disorder.
Many people also
erroneously still believe that drug addiction is simply a failure of will or of
strength of character. Research contradicts that position. However, the
recognition that addiction is a brain disease does not mean that the addict is
simply a hapless victim. Addiction begins with the voluntary behavior of using
drugs, and addicts must participate in and take some significant responsibility
for their recovery. Thus, having this brain disease does not absolve the addict
of responsibility for his or her behavior, but it does explain why an addict
cannot simply stop using drugs by sheer force of will alone. It also dictates a
much more sophisticated approach to dealing with the array of problems
surrounding drug abuse and addiction in our society. -
The essence of addiction
The entire concept of addiction has suffered
greatly from imprecision and misconception. In fact, if it were possible, it
would be best to start all over with some new, more neutral term. The confusion
comes about in part because of a now archaic distinction between whether
specific drugs are "physically" or "psychologically"
addicting. The distinction historically revolved around whether or not dramatic
physical withdrawal symptoms occur when an individual stops taking a drug; what
we in the field now call "physical dependence."
However, 20 years of scientific research has
taught that focusing on this physical versus psychological distinction is off
the mark and a distraction from the real issues. From both clinical and policy
perspectives, it actually does not matter very much what physical withdrawal
symptoms occur. Physical dependence is not that important, because even the
dramatic withdrawal symptoms of heroin and alcohol addiction can now be easily
managed with appropriate medications. Even more important, many of the most
dangerous and addicting drugs, including methamphetamine and crack cocaine, do
not produce very severe physical dependence symptoms upon withdrawal.
What really matters most is whether or not a
drug causes what we now know to be the essence of addiction: uncontrollable,
compulsive drug craving, seeking, and use, even in the face of negative health
and social consequences. This is the crux of how the Institute of Medicine, the
American Psychiatric Association, and the American Medical Association define
addiction and how we all should use the term. It is really only this compulsive
quality of addiction that matters in the long run to the addict and to his or
her family and that should matter to society as a whole. Compulsive craving
that overwhelms all other motivations is the root cause of the massive health
and social problems associated with drug addiction. In updating our national discourse
on drug abuse, we should keep in mind this simple definition: Addiction is a
brain disease expressed in the form of compulsive behavior. Both developing and
recovering from it depend on biology, behavior, and social context.
It is also important to correct the common
misimpression that drug use, abuse, and addiction are points on a single
continuum along which one slides back and forth over time, moving from user to
addict, then back to occasional user, then back to addict. Clinical observation
and more formal research studies support the view that, once addicted, the
individual has moved into a different state of being. It is as if a threshold
has been crossed. Very few people appear able to successfully return to
occasional use after having been truly addicted. Unfortunately, we do not yet
have a clear biological or behavioral marker of that transition from voluntary
drug use to addiction. However, a body of scientific evidence is rapidly
developing that points to an array of cellular and molecular changes in
specific brain circuits.
Moreover, many of these
brain changes are common to all chemical addictions, and some also are typical
of other compulsive behaviors such as pathological overeating.
Addiction - a Chronic Recurring Illness.
Although some addicts do gain full control over
their drug use after a single treatment episode, many have relapses. Repeated
treatments become necessary to increase the intervals between and diminish the
intensity of relapses, until the individual achieves abstinence.
The complexity of this brain disease is not
atypical, because virtually no brain diseases are simply biological in nature
and expression. All, including stroke, Alzheimer's disease, schizophrenia, and
clinical depression, include some behavioral and social aspects. What may make
addiction seem unique among brain diseases, however, is that it does begin with
a clearly voluntary behavior--the initial decision to use drugs. Moreover, not
everyone who ever uses drugs goes on to become addicted. Individuals differ
substantially in how easily and quickly they become addicted and in their
preferences for particular substances. Consistent with the biobehavioral nature
of addiction, these individual differences result from a combination of
environmental and biological, particularly genetic, factors. In fact, estimates
are that between 50 and 70 percent of the variability in susceptibility to
becoming addicted can be accounted for by genetic factors.
Over time the addict loses substantial control
over his or her initially voluntary behavior, and it becomes compulsive. For
many people these behaviors are truly uncontrollable, just like the behavioral
expression of any other brain disease. Schizophrenics cannot control their
hallucinations and delusions. Parkinson's patients cannot control their
trembling. Clinically depressed patients cannot voluntarily control their
moods. Thus, once one is addicted, the characteristics of the illness--and the
treatment approaches--are not that different from most other brain diseases. No
matter how one develops an illness, once one has it, one is in the diseased
state and needs treatment.
Moreover, voluntary behavior patterns are, of
course, involved in the etiology and progression of many other illnesses,
albeit not all brain diseases. Examples abound, including hypertension,
arteriosclerosis and other cardiovascular diseases, diabetes, and forms of
cancer in which the onset is heavily influenced by the individual's eating,
exercise, smoking, and other behaviors.
Addictive behaviors do have special
characteristics related to the social contexts in which they originate. All of
the environmental cues surrounding initial drug use and development of the
addiction actually become "conditioned" to that drug use and are thus
critical to the development and expression of addiction. Environmental cues are
paired in time with an individual's initial drug use experiences and, through
classical conditioning, take on conditioned stimulus properties. When those
cues are present at a later time, they elicit anticipation of a drug experience
and thus generate tremendous drug craving. Cue-induced craving is one of the
most frequent causes of drug use relapses, even after long periods of
abstinence, independently of whether drugs are available.
The salience of
environmental or contextual cues helps explain why reentry to one's community
can be so difficult for addicts leaving the controlled environments of
treatment or correctional settings and why aftercare is so essential to
successful recovery. The person who became addicted in the home environment is
constantly exposed to the cues conditioned to his or her initial drug use, such
as the neighborhood where he or she hung out, drug-using buddies, or the
lamppost where he or she bought drugs. Simple exposure to those cues
automatically triggers craving and can lead rapidly to relapses. This is one
reason why someone who apparently overcame drug cravings while in prison or
residential treatment could quickly revert to drug use upon returning home. In
fact, one of the major goals of drug addiction treatment is to teach addicts
how to deal with the cravings caused by inevitable exposure to these
conditioned cues. - top -
Implications
Understanding addiction as a brain disease has
broad and significant implications for the public perception of addicts and
their families, for addiction treatment practice, and for some aspects of
public policy. On the other hand, this biomedical view of addiction does not
speak directly to and is unlikely to bear significantly on many other issues,
including specific strategies for controlling the supply of drugs and whether
initial drug use should be legal or not. Moreover, the brain disease model of
addiction does not address the question of whether specific drugs of abuse can
also be potential medicines. Examples abound of drugs that can be both highly
addicting and extremely effective medicines. The best-known example is the
appropriate use of morphine as a treatment for pain. Nevertheless, a number of
practical lessons can be drawn from the scientific understanding of addiction.
It is no wonder addicts cannot simply quit on
their own. They have an illness that requires biomedical treatment. People
often assume that because addiction begins with a voluntary behavior and is
expressed in the form of excess behavior, people should just be able to quit by
force of will alone. However, it is essential to understand when dealing with
addicts that we are dealing with individuals whose brains have been altered by
drug use. They need drug addiction treatment. We know that, contrary to common
belief, very few addicts actually do just stop on their own. Observing that
there are very few heroin addicts in their 50 or 60s, people frequently ask
what happened to those who were heroin addicts 30 years ago, assuming that they
must have quit on their own. However, longitudinal studies find that only a
very small fraction actually quit on their own. The rest have either been
successfully treated, are currently in maintenance treatment, or (for about
half) are dead. Consider the example of smoking cigarettes: Various studies
have found that between 3 and 7 percent of people who try to quit on their own
each year actually succeed. Science has at last convinced the public that
depression is not just a lot of sadness; that depressed individuals are in a
different brain state and thus require treatment to get their symptoms under
control. The same is true for schizophrenic patients. It is time to recognize
that this is also the case for addicts.
The role of personal responsibility is
undiminished but clarified. Does having a brain disease mean that people who
are addicted no longer have any responsibility for their behavior or that they
are simply victims of their own genetics and brain chemistry? Of course not.
Addiction begins with the voluntary behavior of drug use, and although genetic
characteristics may predispose individuals to be more or less susceptible to
becoming addicted, genes do not doom one to become an addict. This is one major
reason why efforts to prevent drug use are so vital to any comprehensive
strategy to deal with the nation's drug problems. Initial drug use is a
voluntary, and therefore preventable, behavior.
Moreover, as with any illness, behavior becomes
a critical part of recovery. At a minimum, one must comply with the treatment
regimen, which is harder than it sounds. Treatment compliance is the biggest
cause of relapses for all chronic illnesses, including asthma, diabetes,
hypertension, and addiction. Moreover, treatment compliance rates are no worse
for addiction than for these other illnesses, ranging from 30 to 50 percent.
Thus, for drug addiction as well as for other chronic diseases, the
individual's motivation and behavior are clearly important parts of success in
treatment and recovery.
Implications for treatment approaches and
treatment expectations. Maintaining this comprehensive biobehavioral
understanding of addiction also speaks to what needs to be provided in drug
treatment programs. Again, we must be careful not to pit biology against
behavior. The National Institute on Drug Abuse's recently published Principles
of Effective Drug Addiction Treatment provides a detailed discussion of how we
must treat all aspects of the individual, not just the biological component or
the behavioral component. As with other brain diseases such as schizophrenia
and depression, the data show that the best drug addiction treatment approaches
attend to the entire individual, combining the use of medications, behavioral
therapies, and attention to necessary social services and rehabilitation. These
might include such services as family therapy to enable the patient to return
to successful family life, mental health services, education and vocational
training, and housing services.
That does not mean, of course, that all
individuals need all components of treatment and all rehabilitation services.
Another principle of effective addiction treatment is that the array of
services included in an individual's treatment plan must be matched to his or
her particular set of needs. Moreover, since those needs will surely change
over the course of recovery, the array of services provided will need to be
continually reassessed and adjusted.
What to do with addicted criminal offenders. One
obvious conclusion is that we need to stop simplistically viewing criminal
justice and health approaches as incompatible opposites. The practical reality
is that crime and drug addiction often occur in tandem: Between 50 and 70
percent of arrestees are addicted to illegal drugs. Few citizens would be
willing to relinquish criminal justice system control over individuals, whether
they are addicted or not, who have committed crimes against others. Moreover,
extensive real-life experience shows that if we simply incarcerate addicted
offenders without treating them, their return to both drug use and criminality
is virtually guaranteed.
A growing body of scientific evidence points to
a much more rational and effective blended public health/public safety approach
to dealing with the addicted offender. Simply summarized, the data show that if
addicted offenders are provided with well-structured drug treatment while under
criminal justice control, their recidivism rates can be reduced by 50 to 60
percent for subsequent drug use and by more than 40 percent for further
criminal behavior. Moreover, entry into drug treatment need not be completely
voluntary in order for it to work. In fact, studies suggest that increased pressure
to stay in treatment--whether from the legal system or from family members or
employers--actually increases the amount of time patients remain in treatment
and improves their treatment outcomes.
Findings such as these
are the underpinning of a very important trend in drug control strategies now
being implemented in the United States and many foreign countries. For example,
some 40 percent of prisons and jails in this country now claim to provide some
form of drug treatment to their addicted inmates, although we do not know the
quality of the treatment provided. Diversion to drug treatment programs as an
alternative to incarceration is gaining popularity across the United States.
The widely applauded growth in drug treatment courts over the past five years--to
more than 400--is another successful example of the blending of public health
and public safety approaches. These drug courts use a combination of criminal
justice sanctions and drug use monitoring and treatment tools to manage
addicted offenders. - top -
Updating the discussion
Understanding drug abuse and addiction in all
their complexity demands that we rise above simplistic polarized thinking about
drug issues. Addiction is both a public health and a public safety issue, not
one or the other. We must deal with both the supply and the demand issues with
equal vigor. Drug abuse and addiction are about both biology and behavior. One
can have a disease and not be a hapless victim of it.
We also need to abandon our attraction to
simplistic metaphors that only distract us from developing appropriate
strategies. I, for one, will be in some ways sorry to see the War on Drugs
metaphor go away, but go away it must. At some level, the notion of waging war
is as appropriate for the illness of addiction as it is for our War on Cancer,
which simply means bringing all forces to bear on the problem in a focused and
energized way. But, sadly, this concept has been badly distorted and misused
over time, and the War on Drugs never became what it should have been: the War
on Drug Abuse and Addiction. Moreover, worrying about whether we are winning or
losing this war has deteriorated to using simplistic and inappropriate measures
such as counting drug addicts. In the end, it has only fueled discord. The War
on Drugs metaphor has done nothing to advance the real conceptual challenges
that need to be worked through.
I hope, though, that we will all resist the
temptation to replace it with another catchy phrase that inevitably will
devolve into a search for quick or easy-seeming solutions to our drug problems.
We do not rely on simple metaphors or strategies to deal with our other major
national problems such as education, health care, or national security. We are,
after all, trying to solve truly monumental, multidimensional problems on a
national or even international scale. To devalue them to the level of slogans
does our public an injustice and dooms us to failure.
Understanding the health aspects of addiction is
in no way incompatible with the need to control the supply of drugs. In fact, a
public health approach to stemming an epidemic or spread of a disease always
focuses comprehensively on the agent, the vector, and the host. In the case of
drugs of abuse, the agent is the drug, the host is the abuser or addict, and
the vector for transmitting the illness is clearly the drug suppliers and
dealers that keep the agent flowing so readily. Prevention and treatment are
the strategies to help protect the host. But just as we must deal with the
flies and mosquitoes that spread infectious diseases, we must directly address
all the vectors in the drug-supply system.
In order to be truly effective, the blended
public health/public safety approaches advocated here must be implemented at
all levels of society--local, state, and national. All drug problems are
ultimately local in character and impact, since they differ so much across
geographic settings and cultural contexts, and the most effective solutions are
implemented at the local level. Each community must work through its own
locally appropriate antidrug implementation strategies, and those strategies
must be just as comprehensive and science-based as those instituted at the
state or national level.
The message from the now very broad and deep
array of scientific evidence is absolutely clear. If we as a society ever hope
to make any real progress in dealing with our drug problems, we are going to
have to rise above moral outrage that addicts have "done it to themselves"
and develop strategies that are as sophisticated and as complex as the problem
itself. Whether addicts are "victims" or not, once addicted they must
be seen as "brain disease patients."
Moreover, although our national traditions do
argue for compassion for those who are sick, no matter how they contracted
their illnesses, I recognize that many addicts have disrupted not only their
own lives but those of their families and their broader communities, and thus
do not easily generate compassion. However, no matter how one may feel about
addicts and their behavioral histories, an extensive body of scientific
evidence shows that approaching addiction as a treatable illness is extremely
cost-effective, both financially and in terms of broader societal impacts such
as family violence, crime, and other forms of social upheaval. Thus, it is
clearly in everyone's interest to get past the hurt and indignation and slow
the drain of drugs on society by enhancing drug use prevention efforts and
providing treatment to all who need it. –
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